If we believe in the celebration of life, we cannot believe in violence and war.

Secondly, if we believe that a negotiated settlement should be the ultimate solution to the problem. We have to look at the root causes of the problem. We recognize that successive Governments since independence have not seriously looked at the problems of the minorities. The minority communities, especially the Tamils and to some extent the Muslims have faced discrimination at the hands of some Governments. We also believe that the resolution of the minority grievances should include the action to address their grievances whilst protecting the rights of all the peoples, that is, the rights of the majority, and look at solutions that will fulfill the aspirations of all our peoples. Obviously the solution has to be political. We also believe that there has to be some forms of power sharing, which means that we have to take a fresh look at institutions of the state; we have to look at restructuring of institutions of administration, which would mean some form of power sharing. I know that there are various views amongst us about what these forms of power sharing should be such as the degree of power-sharing. I believe we will have to address that very issue in depth and try to arrive at some consensual view. A political solution without consensus will be difficult to embark on successfully and it would require constitutional amendments. Of course whatever power sharing strategy we may evolve, we all believe that it has to be within the framework of a sovereign, undivided Sri Lanka.

Thirdly, we are all committed to the protection of human rights and political pluralism. We believe that these should be important elements of a negotiated peace. Whatever solution we arrive at must be compatible with the guarantee of human rights of individuals and all communities living in this country. On the other hand whatever negotiated peace we arrive at, we have to protect and promote the rich cultural traditions and heritage of our country and political pluralism and the democratic institutions. We have to ensure that everyone enjoys civil, political and religious rights. This would also include economic rights of every individual and his or her right to equal employment, education and health facilities.

Fourthly we have a common commitment to ensure the early development and reconstruction of the North and East, the war-ravaged areas of our country, which certainly by all standards are the most under-developed regions due to the conflict, which has gone on for two decades. We have, to a large extent the material resources required to undertake the reconstruction programmes, but we would need the commitment, the participation and good will of all in the country if we have to make the reconstruction work that the Government has undertaken a success.

Within these parameters, the commonality of thinking and views amongst us, I think we can begin our dialogue and venture into the details of a political settlement that we have to work out.

I truly believe despite the difficulties and shortcomings we have today embarked on an extremely important and essential task for the future of our nation. Collectively our desire and commitment is to find common position to the one single most devastating problem our country faces. Our commitment, by our very presence here, encourages me to think we have the courage and ability to seek out the required solutions, and later on when the time comes and when the opportune moment arrives, we would be able to implement together what we think should be the solution.

I am confident this political committee will provide the rich fabric of opinion we seek.