Mr. Jayantha Dhanapala issued the statement in clarifying the new situation, along with the third anniversary of the ceasefire agreement. In fact, the national and international political leadership as well as the people of the country wanted a clarification of the government’s position. The LTTE was seriously concerned about the setting up of a mechanism to undertake reconstruction work in the north and the east in the wake of the tsunami. The government had a duty to reply to this need. It was due to this reason that the government clarified its position. Even though the head of the Peace Secretariat was the medium of the announcement, it did not represent the view of a single individual; the statement was made with the full knowledge of the government’s highest leadership. This position has been further strengthened through the statement issued by the Director of Government Information. It has enunciated the government’s position on three basic matters. They are that the government was happy over the maintenance of the ceasefire over the past three years, the government’s readiness to seek a negotiated settlement with the LTTE and a clarification of government policy with regard to an interim administrative structure. It has especially clarified the government’s position on how the government wished to face the new situation created in the aftermath of the tsunami disaster.

A few months earlier, the Norwegian Government was engaged in decisive efforts aimed at reviving the Sri Lankan peace talks. In this connection, a high level delegation which included the Norwegian Foreign Minister and the Deputy Foreign Minister visited Sri Lanka and held several rounds of talks with the parties concerned. However, even thereafter Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Peterson clearly stated that there was no hope of starting the talks immediately. It meant that there were outstanding basic issues standing in the way of commencing direct talks between the parties.

Q. Do you think that the situation has changed by now? If it has changed, what are the reasons for the change?

The main reason is the tsunami. The tsunami has caused devastation in the northern and eastern regions equal to or more than the devastation in the south.. 25% of the people of our country speak the Tamil language. A sizeable percentage of this population has been affected by the tsunami. What we should not forget is that 1% of the Muslim population of Sri Lanka has been wiped out by the tsunami. Likewise, a large number of Tamil people also lost their lives. International attention has been focused on our country to a large extent and various assistance is granted to the victims. The Tamil diaspora has paid special attention to the affected regions of the north and east. Therefore, it has become extremely important to set up a clear and strong mechanism for this purpose.

Q Even though the LTTE insists that the peace talks in Sri Lanka should be resumed on the basis of the Interim Administrative Authority, after the tsunami their priority is the need of setting up a joint mechanism to face the situation. In fact, it does not involve the complex issues of the Interim Administrative Unit. However, the government has announced on this occasion its readiness to commence talks on an interim administrative unit.

Why did the government take such a forward decision?

What the government wanted was to set up a joint mechanism to face the problems resulting from the tsunami tragedy. Moves towards an interim administration would be made later.

However, it becomes clear from the statement made by Mr. Jayantha Dhanapala that the government is ready to begin talks with the LTTE on the interim administration proposal?

It is something related to the overall peace process. The talks became stalled because of the subject of an interim administration. It was not only the present government, even the UNP government did not accept the proposal on the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA). The proposal similar to the ISGA put forward by the LTTE, could not be seen even in the peace processes internationally, because it contains matters relating to a final solution. This has created suspicion. An interim administration after expressing a concurrence on a final settlement is clear and does not give rise for concern, doubts or apprehension. This is because the final solution is clear to everybody. However, the LTTE proposed an interim administration that should be the basis of the talks. This led to justifiable apprehension and suspicion on the part of the other party. We have made this clear and it is possible that the LTTE also may have understood our position. This could be the reason why the LTTE held the view that they can make necessary amendments while negotiating.

If it is so, what is the clear position of the government on recommencing talks with the LTTE on this occasion?

It is very clear, the first steps would be on setting up a joint structure to deal with the problems arising from the aftermath of the tsunami. A new situation may evolve depending on the work within this structure. It has become necessary for the LTTE to deal with the situation in the disaster- hit north and east. Even we face this problem and what is the action taken by us? Since it is not possible for us to reach these areas, we can supply even the basic food items only through the government agents. Even in a needy hour like this, the LTTE is not prepared to talk with government politicians. However, this situation could be overcome if a joint structure was set up and both parties would be able build mutual confidence.

Even though you have explained the government’s position as a Cabinet Minister, not only the government factions but even those within the United People’s Front such as the leading politicians representing the SLFP continue to maintain that the government has not yet adopted such a position.

Who says so?

Last Tuesday, in the live Kinihira TV programme such a view was put forward by politicians who represented the government in the programme.

It is true. Even I watched it and therefore, I took measures to explain the government’s position through the radio. We cannot engage in politics by avoiding issues but should tell the truth to the people openly. There had not been agreement throughout history among all the UNPers and the SLFPers on this issue. Opinion has been divided – if the leadership espoused a firm decision then the others fall in line. It is the same with both parties and it is because of this position the problem had remained unresolved even after fifty years. However, the current President has adopted a clear stand and it would be put into action at the appropriate time.

However, will the government have the strength to take such a course of action with the JVP, which is a major constituent of the government directly opposing this entire process?

I am not surprised about the way they are acting at present. The UNP adopted the same attitude then and even the SLFP had adopted such an attitude. In 1986, I was the only person in Parliament who spoke against war and both sides hooted when I spoke against the war. When I took the floor against the emergency regulations, both the UNP and the SLFP interrupted me. However, they both have changed this position and today no member speaks in favour of war in the House. Therefore, they would say things to come to terms with reality but I am confident they would change their present position. Just go through the policy statement launching the alliance and you would see this is clearly mentioned there. The stand of the SFLP as well as the JVP is clearly stated there. They are different and it has been clearly stated in the policy declaration that they are prepared to abide by the majority decision and the decision of the people. Therefore, the present crisis would dissipate with time.

However, they have voiced their objection to a joint mechanism with the LTTE to meet the crisis triggered by the Tsunami. Is this not an obstacle to the declared objectives of the government?

No, I would think twice about this. There are various shades of opinion within the government. By now, the UNP and the SLFP and all the major Tamil and Muslim political parties have all agreed for a federal system of governance. It appears the unitary system of government is very rare in the world. There are several parliaments functioning even in Britain, which introduced the unitary system to us. In our country, political parties have twisted the word unitary by using this term to define one nation. There should be one nation, which cannot be divided but what is appropriate to this country is a federal administrative structure.

There should be agreement among the leaders of the major parties in the government to create the optimistic situation mentioned by you. Is such a thing evident?

There should be a discussion on this matter and the leaders should come to a decision.

However, it does not appear that there is such a dialogue with the JVP.

Such a dialogue can take place . The JVP is not opposed to talks with the LTTE. For this reason, a dialogue should begin among political parties about the federal structure and that will be the final solution.

How do you see future of the Sri Lankan peace process?

There is no other way than what is clearly stated recently by the government. Whatever the likes or dislikes of anybody, agreement has to be reached through discussions with the LTTE.

Even though direct talks did not take place in recent times between the government and the LTTE, talks had been continuing between the Government Peace Secretariat and the LTTE Peace Secretariat. In addition, the two parties have exchanged messages through the Norwegian Peace envoys. Did the government arrive at the recently announced position through an understanding reached through such discussions?

Yes. Precisely.

Accordingly, what is the time frame you would allow for direct talks to commence between the government and the LTTE?

It is difficult to say anything definite about time but it would not be long. It is essential and imperative to set up a joint structure with the LTTE to rebuild especially the areas devastated by the tsunami in the north and east if they were to rebuild the country in the aftermath of the tsunami. This position has been accepted by the government, the LTTE and the international community. Therefore, it is essential to set up a machinery for this purpose. It is imperative. The discussions on future solutions would be properly constituted accordingly.