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Impact of the Ceasefire Agreement on Regional Economic Growth in Sri Lanka

 
SCOPP Web Release
18 July 2004
 

Introduction

Sri Lanka is at a cross roads in respect of peace and development. The peace process is characterized by a ‘hurting’ stalemate, which must be resolved through peaceful methods if the country is to prosper in the long run. Evidence from other parts of the world suggests that the transition from a temporary to a permanent cessation of hostilities depends critically on how fast the conflict-affected areas can be economically transformed. Rapid economic development (evenly distributed) leads to a rise in the standard of living (widely shared), which in turn leads to a consolidation of the peace process. Economic stagnation, on the other hand, is likely to lead to mounting anger and frustration and to the eventual collapse or demise of the peace process. Policy makers therefore have to pay close attention to the economic dimensions of peace and to take the necessary steps for promoting rapid and broad-based economic development in the affected areas during the transition period. The creation of an enabling environment for peace and development is a critical factor in this regard.

Benefits of the Ceasefire Agreement

The Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) signed between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on February 22, 2002 resulted in many positive developments, including (a) the temporary cessation of hostilities between the GOSL and the LTTE; (b) the re-opening of the A9 highway connecting the North and the South; and (c) the lifting of the trade embargo on the North and East in respect of a wide range of finished goods and raw materials. There is considerable debate, however, as to whether this transition from war to peace has realized a significant economic dividend in the northern and eastern regions, i.e., the conflict-affected areas. In other words, some argue that the economic impact of the CFA in the North and East has been negligible while others assert that it has been highly significant.

What is lacking in this debate, however, is a quantitative analysis without which it is not possible to determine how the economies of the North and East have been performing during the post-CFA period compared to the pre-CFA period. Hard numbers are needed to answer the question: Is economic growth in the North and East significantly higher in the post-CFA than in the pre-CFA period? A positive finding would suggest that the CFA has stimulated economic growth in the North and East, whereas a negative result would suggest the contrary.

This paper seeks to answer the above question through presentation and analysis of the hard numbers, thereby filling a gap in the ongoing debate on the economics dividends of peace. At the same time, we hasten to add that this analysis is by and large in the nature of an overview and that further research would be required to deepen our knowledge and understanding of the economic impact of the CFA in the conflict-affected areas, relative to the other areas.

Regional Growth of Gross Domestic Growth (GDP)

Time-series data on regional GDP disaggregated by three broad sectors (agriculture, industry and services) have been published by the Central Bank for the period 1996-2003. To facilitate a “before” and “after” analysis, the timeline has been divided into two segments: 1997-2001 (pre-CFA) and 2002-2003 (post CFA). Since the regional GDP data are presented in the Central Bank Annual Reports in nominal terms (see Annex 1), the first step was to convert them into real terms using the GDP deflator index with 1996 serving as the base year (as shown in Table 1).

 
The second step was to calculate annual growth rates by province for the period 1997-2003, using the real GDP data. The third step was to obtain average, annual growth rates separately for the pre and post-CFA periods by province. (Table 2.) The disaggregated analysis yields several observations (see Figure 1), which are as follows: (a) The GDP of the Northern Province (NP) grew by an average of 12.6% of during the post-CFA period compared to 3.4% during the pre-CFA period; (b) the GDP of the Eastern Province (EP) increased by 10.1% per annum during the post-CFA period compared to 4.6% during the pre-CFA period; (c) the GDP of the North-Central Province (NCP), which shares common borders with the NP and EP, increased by 8.2% per annum in the post-CFA period compared to –0.2% in the pre-CFA period; (d) the NP grew twice as fast as the Western Province (WP) in respect of annual post-CFA GDP growth (12.6% versus 6.2%); (f) pre-CFA annual GDP growth was highest in the WP (6.0%) followed by the Southern Province (5.5%); (g) annual GDP growth in these two provinces during the post-CFA period was more or less the same as during the pre-CFA period; (h) pre-CFA growth was lowest in the Sabaragamuwa Province (-3.0% per annum) while post-CFA growth was lowest in the North-Western Province (-1.4% per annum).
 
 
The facts speak for themselves: the NP, EP and NCP are the only three regions to have realized significantly higher GDP growth rates during the post-CFA period compared to the pre-CFA period. It is therefore plausible to argue that the increase in the average GDP growth rate of Sri Lanka as a whole from 3.9% per annum in the pre-CFA period to 5.0% per annum in the post-CFA period (as shown above) was due largely to the exceptionally high growth rates realized collectively by these three provinces. Indeed, these findings are compelling evidence that the transition from war to peace has realized a substantial economic dividend in the three main provinces affected by the civil conflict (two directly and one indirectly), from which the entire country has also benefited to some extent as reflected in the higher average GDP growth rate for Sri Lanka in the post-CFA period compared to that of the pre-CFA period.

The question is why the dramatic expansion of economic activity in these three provinces did not have a greater impact on the overall economic growth rate. Statistically speaking, this has to do with the fact that the NP, EP and NCP are not major contributors to overall GDP. During the 1996-2003 period, their collective share of GDP has been in the range of 11-12%. By contrast, the share of the Western Province has been in the range of 43-49%. The latter hence exerts a major influence on the overall GDP growth rate.
 
 
As Table 3 shows, the per capita GDP of the WP ($ 1461) greatly exceeds that of any other province, indicating a highly skewed development pattern in Sri Lanka. The NP has the lowest per capita GDP ($ 399) and is therefore likely to be the poorest region in the island, which suggests that there is strong causal link between conflict and poverty.
 
Table 3: Per Capita GDP by Province 2003 (US$)*
* 1 US$ = Rs. 96.52
 
Sectoral Composition of Average GDP Growth in Selected Areas The regions selected for analysis are the NP, EP, NCP, and Southern Province (SP). The SP has been included so as to provide a contrast between the affected and non-affected areas. Figure 2 provides a breakdown of pre and post-CFA GDP growth by the three main sectors (agriculture, industry and services) in the above four provinces.
 
Figure 2: Average Pre and Post-CFA GDP Growth by Sector in the Northern, Eastern, North-Central and Southern Provinces
 
 
It will be seen that the engine of growth during the post-CFA period was (a) the agricultural sector in the NP and EP with the industrial and service sectors also making useful contributions; (b) the services sector in the NCP with agriculture playing a supporting role; and (c) the industrial sector in the SP, also with support from the agricultural sector. It will also be noted that the industrial sector has been stagnating in the NCP while the services sector has undergone a drastic decline during the post-CFA period in the SP.

The most positive feature of the post-CFA economic experience has been the phenomenal growth of the agricultural sector (in real terms) in the NP (32% per annum) and EP (19% per annum), compared to 4.3% and 4.9%, respectively, during the pre-CFA period. On the basis of data published by the Department of Census and Statistics, it is possible to demonstrate a marked increase in paddy production in the affected areas during the transition period (see Table 4). In the NP, annual paddy production averaged 138,000 metric tons during this period (post-CFA) compared to 65,000 metric tons during the earlier period (pre-CFA), while in the EP, the post-CFA average was 752,000 metric tons compared to the pre-CFA average of 619,000 metric tons. The combined share of the North and East in national paddy production is considerable higher in the post-CFA period (31%) than in the pre-CFA period (27%). Hence, its contribution to enhanced food security is also significant.
 

Undoubtedly, this dramatic agricultural revival is due largely to the creation of a more stable, secure and enabling environment for economic development, i.e., absence of war, reopening of the A9, lifting of the trade embargo, and access to markets in regions outside the North and East as well as supporting services and infrastructure facilities provided by donor-funded projects, such as the North-East Irrigated Agriculture Project (NEIAP) and the North-East Coastal Restoration and Development Project (NECORD). Given that the farming community in the North-East consists largely of smallholders, this growth is likely to be broad-based as well as pro-poor.

It is interesting to note that the other two-sectors (industry and services) have also shown positive growth during the post-CFA period in both provinces, which means the creation of productive employment opportunities in these two sectors as well. We should note, in particular, the growth of the industrial sector in the N P, which averaged 11.6% during the post-CFA period, compared to -2.0% during the pre-CFA period.

Comprehensive data on pre and post-CFA private investments in the North and East are not available. But in some sectors, such as banking, retail trade, and information communication technologies, there are clear signs of increased private sector activity in the affected areas since the signing of the CFA. The communications sector, especially, has shown no hesitation in venturing into high-risk investment. For example, Dialog Telekom, which was not operating in the war zone prior to the CFA, has invested more than a million dollars in the Northern and Eastern Provinces since then. The company presently has 500 base stations in all 9 provinces and a total of 1.5 million mobile users, of whom 250,000 (17%) are located in the North and East alone. This statistic is highly significant when it is considered that the combined population of the North and East is only about 13% of the total.

Conclusion

This paper set out to assess the economic impact of the CFA in the conflict-affected areas (North and East) in relation to the other areas, with 1996-2004 serving as the reference period. The two main areas examined were pre and post-CFA average GDP growth disaggregated by province as well as sector. It was shown that while the WP and SP were the two fastest growing provinces prior to the CFA, the NP and EP have taken the lead in the post-CFA period, albeit from a much lower base. The NCP has also registered relatively high growth in the post-CFA period. The NCP was indirectly affected by the civil conflict to a considerable extent by virtue of sharing common borders with the North and East. The fastest growing sectors are agriculture in the NP and EP and services in the NCP. The combined share of the North and East in national paddy production increased from 27% during the pre-CFA period to 31% during the post-CFA period.

Sri Lanka ’s overall GDP growth rate has been moderately higher during the post-CFA period (5.0%) compared to the pre-CFA period (3.9%). Hence, the economy as a whole has yet to reap the full benefits of peace. Post-CFA economic growth has been significantly higher than the pre-CFA level only in the NP, EP and NCP. It could therefore be concluded that the economic dividends of peace have been realized mainly in the conflict zone (NP and EP) and adjacent areas (NCP).

Whether the high post-CFA growth rates can be sustained in these regions remains to be seen. Consolidation of the peace process, strengthening of the enabling environment for private investment, and full implementation of the rehabilitation and reconstruction programs in the North and East are key factors in this respect.

 
Compiled by: Seneka Abeyratne & Rajith Lakshman
Economic Affairs Division, Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP)
 


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